Westminster as Usual? Three Interpretations for the UK Democracy

The Brexit process has shattered the foundations of British politics, with prime ministerial resignations, government defeats, continuous rebellions and floor-crossings. These phenomena seem at odds with the usual decisiveness of Westminster systems. However, the aforementioned departures from the British tradition could be interpreted as compatible with the typical distance of any empirical reality from theoretical models, as exceptions to the rule due to the specificity of the European issue, or as the surfacing of some deeper social, economic and cultural tensions. Data alone are insufficient to confirm any of the alternative interpretations, although they seem to confirm the existence of longterm dynamics rather than some short-term exceptionalism. Within this scenario, the article suggests that a series of institutional innovations introduced since the late 1990s have facilitated the political consolidation of those tensions, contributed to the partisan dealignment, and made room for a potential departure from a Westminster model of democracy.

Giuliani M (2021). Westminster as Usual? Three Interpretations for the UK Democracy.
Government and Opposition: An International Journal of Comparative Politics . https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.20

Check the data if you are interested in divisions, rebellions and defeats in the UK parliament from 1997 to 2019 (and don’t forget to cite the work if you use it)

Political leaning and spread of Covid-19 during the US 2020 presidential election

Was there any geographical association between the incidence of Covid-19  and the political preferences of the US electorate in the period of the 2020 presidential election? This is what Kami Hacoyan, Kerem Demirsoylu and Ozge Atli – a group of Bachelor’s students of my class in Comparative Political Systems – asked themselves. You can read their paper, and also download their data in csv format.

 

“Piove governo ladro”. Crisi globali e voto economico

Check on NaspRead the synthesis of three of my recent articles dealing with the electoral answer to a crisis situation (written before the Covid19 emergency).

How will the electorate react to the present crisis? What about the myopic attribution of the responsabilities suggested by a realist approach to retrospective voting.  And what about the hypotheses of benchmarking the situation and the capacity of managing the health emergency (tests, vaccines, lockdowns, differentiated policy measures…)?